Dominika V. Polanska and Grzegorz Piotrowski
Dominika v. Polanska, Institute for Housing and Urban Research (IBF) at Uppsala University and Södertörn University. Leader of a project started in 2015 at Södertörn University, financed by the Foundation for Baltic and East European Studies, called “Challenging the Myths of Weak Civil Society in Post-socialist Settings: ‘Unexpected’ Alliances and Mobilizations in the Field of Housing Activism in Poland”.
Grzegorz Piotrowski is currently a CBEES Fellow; previously involved in three research projects at Södertörn University. PhD in social and political sciences at the European University Institute in 2011. Research interests: issues of anarchism, alterglobalism, squatting, social movements, postsocialism, and urban movements.
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Articles by Dominika V. Polanska and Grzegorz Piotrowski
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In 2016, commemorations of the 60th anniversary of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution brought new conflicts in memory politics. This article analyzes the reasons for women’s absence from the historiography of the 1956 Revolution and discusses how the polypore state is using the populist turn to introduce hegemonic narratives and to include women in the narrative of “national feminism”.
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This paper is devoted to the semantics of the visual images of the Chinese-Eastern Railroad (KVGD)1 and the “Oriental Other” in the Russian public consciousness of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Here it is that the construction of the KVGD was intended to be a symbol of the technological progress and spiritual strength of the Russian Empire in the Russian mass consciousness.
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The article describes Ukrainian views on the war in the eastern region of the country and other worries of the people as well as Ukrainian-Russian relations and the views on the EU. The empirical material is from opinion polls carried out by the Kyiv International Institute for Sociology in 2014–2017. The conflict in the east is the main concern of the population.
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As the articles in this issue demonstrate, the revisionist strand of nationalist herstory has certainly made some women visible in narratives about historical events, but it is also highly problematic as it often reproduces traditionalist notions of femininity, masculinity and ideas about women’s “proper” place in history and society.
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Agnieszka Graff and Elżbieta Korolczuk in an interview about the phenomenon of anti-genderism: a topic they written together on and both try to understand as it is spreading in Poland but also widely elsewhere
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More than twenty-five years after gaining independence, Armenia is yet to undergo a democratically instigated change of power. It can no longer be said that Armenia is still a state in transition. On the contrary, in many respects, the lately held Presidential elections illustrate that the country is currently moving away from democracy in order to strengthen the authoritarian regime ruled by the ‘party of power’, the Republican Party.
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We believed that a conference on arts and aesthetics is hardly imaginable without a cultural program and therefore included one, comprising a dance performance, Breakin’ Revolution, on the opening night at Färgfabriken on October 19, and a public screening of the art film To The New Horizons at the closing session at Moderna Museet on October 21, conceptually marking the beginning and the end of the Russian Revolution.
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Among the twelve candidates who ran for the presidency in Kyrgystan, three were particularly important: Temir Sariev, Sooronbai Jeenbekov, and Omurbek Babanov. The turn-out was almost 56 percent of 3 million eligible voters. The elections went peacefully in most regions of Kyrgyzstan except Osh city, where half of the inhabitants belong to Uzbek ethnic groups.
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The main takeaway from the outcome of Bulgaria’s parliamentary elections in March 2017 is that stability has replaced relative instability. Nevertheless, the last elections have ushered in the possibility of democratic backsliding and increasing authoritarian rule in Bulgaria. In this sense Bulgaria fits within a regional trend. It should also be underlined that the far right managed to do what the ever-quarrelling urban middle class and mainly conservative milieu could not: namely unite and secure enough of a vote to become Borisov's junior partner in government.
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