Dominika V. Polanska and Grzegorz Piotrowski
Dominika v. Polanska, Institute for Housing and Urban Research (IBF) at Uppsala University and Södertörn University. Leader of a project started in 2015 at Södertörn University, financed by the Foundation for Baltic and East European Studies, called “Challenging the Myths of Weak Civil Society in Post-socialist Settings: ‘Unexpected’ Alliances and Mobilizations in the Field of Housing Activism in Poland”.
Grzegorz Piotrowski is currently a CBEES Fellow; previously involved in three research projects at Södertörn University. PhD in social and political sciences at the European University Institute in 2011. Research interests: issues of anarchism, alterglobalism, squatting, social movements, postsocialism, and urban movements.
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Articles by Dominika V. Polanska and Grzegorz Piotrowski
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On 4 October 2014, Latvia held the parliamentary elections that brought a hope of stability as the ruling coalition government won a comfortable majority. It is likely that the coalition negotiations, also this time, will lead to formation of the so-called minimal wining coalition. However, the parliamentary situation is complicated due to the arrival of two smaller parties on the Latvian political scene.
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Whether comic, violent, brutal, or burlesque, Bakhtin’s explorations of cultural communication today appeal to linguists and literary theorists; but also to artists, musicians, and scholars in education, Slavic languages, postcolonial studies, and many other fields.
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The purpose of the conference was to establish new points of contact between the actively developing traditional Bakhtin studies (in literature, language, and cultural theory), on the one hand, and those new directions in research that have discovered the importance of Bakhtin’s ideas in new applications in the humanities, social sciences, education, artistic research, and art practices.
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The first world conference on borders, under the title Post-Cold War Borders – Global Trends and Regional Responses was held in Joensuu, Finland and St. Petersburg, Russia and in the borderland in-between on June 9-13, 2014.
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Clearly, even in this extraordinary election, as so often happens, the voters assessed alternatives rationally rather than emotionally. Peace and prosperity come first. Yet this election was more a test of personal confidence than of specific issues.
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The workshop Large-scale energy project: A view from society, on 24-25 April 2014 at Södertörn University became a forum for addressing a number of significant issues related to large-scale energy projects including international cooperation, energy supply, trust, energy governance and public participation, just as local and global dimensions on the issue of interest.
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In 2004, eight Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs) and two Mediterranean countries entered the European Union (EU). Hailed by some as the “New Europe”, the CEECs seemed to have finally affirmed their European identity. Ten years later, one is naturally tempted to examine whether the CEECs’ EU membership has indeed made them more “European”.
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The European Parliament elections in Lithuania this year were held jointly with the second round of the presidential elections which were won by a landslide majority (57.9%) by the incumbent president Dalia Grybauskaitė supported by the conservative and liberal parties in opposition. The dual-track election campaign have been used by the opposition parties to leverage the popularity of President Grybauskaitė and make gains at the EP elections.
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During the May 25 presidential election, the leaders of Svoboda and the Right sector had only 1, 7 percent of support. This is, according to Lyudmyla Pavlyuk, professor in journalism in Ukraine, an argument that the Russian official propaganda about Ukraine’s “fascism” is a way to legitimize Russian policies of occupation and aggression.
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The ambiguity of the 1920s Ukrainianization is well known among its scholars. A curious fact is that was becoming less intense and effective where the initial positions of the Ukrainian were weaker. Donbas was specifically one such region.
If Ukraine is a borderland, Donbas is a borderland multiplied by itself, notes the author and further claims that "Donbas will retain its hybridity no matter the outcome of the current unrest. Still, the volatile situation brings not only risks but also yet another chance for belated modernisation."
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