Soviet refugees in postwar Sweden. Asylum policy in a liberal democracy
+ Cecilia Notini Burch, A Cold War Pursuit: Soviet Refugees in Sweden, 1945–54. Stockholm: Santérus Academic Press Sweden, 2014. 359 pages.
A scholarly journal from the Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES) Södertörn University, Stockholm.
Pēteris F Timofejevs
Senior Lecturer at the Department of Political Science, Umeå University. He has written on Europeanization of foreign aid policy in Central and Eastern Europe and European NGOs working with development cooperation.
Currently, his research is focused on radical right parties in the Baltic Sea area, their positions in foreign and environmental policies and their youth organizations.
Louis John Wierenga
Lecturer in International Relations at the Baltic Defence College, PhD fellow at the Johan Skytte Institute of Political Studies, University of Tartu and Research fellow at the Latvian Institute of International Affairs (LIIA). His research interests include populist radical right parties – specifically leadership and party structure, social media and discursive opportunity structures, youth organizations and transnational networks. Currently, Wirenga is part of a project entitled, “Making Tomorrow’s Leaders” which is a Swedish Research Council project analyzing youth organizations of far-right parties.
+ Cecilia Notini Burch, A Cold War Pursuit: Soviet Refugees in Sweden, 1945–54. Stockholm: Santérus Academic Press Sweden, 2014. 359 pages.
+ Peter Balogh, Perpetual Borders: German-Polish Cross-border Contacts in the Szczecin Area, Meddelanden från Kultur-geografiska institutionen vid Stockholms Universitet, [Reports of the Department of Human Geography, Stockholm University, Number 145] Stockholm: University of Stockholm Press, 2014, 204 pages.
In 1996, a Special Economic Zone was created that made it favorable for both Russian and foreign companies to relocate production to Kaliningrad. Once the intentions were to make Kaliningrad known for more than just its military bases. But this is no longer the case. Kaliningrad, once again, is gliding away from being an economic zone to becoming a military zone.
The main reason why we have not seen more severe conflicts between majorities and minorities in the new EU member states is, in the authors view, the EU’s success as a normative power. The pressure that the EU put on the candidates for membership to adapt to norms on minority protection and to solve their potential border conflicts had a positive effect.
The “feminization of migration” in the EU is spurred by a growing demand for labor in the low-paid sectors of the economy, including domestic work, personal services, care for the elderly and children, and the hotel and restaurant industries. One factor that encourages Central and Eastern European women to migrate to the West is the erosion of their own social and economic situation at home, which cements the asymmetry in economic prosperity between “East” and “West” and perpetuates inequalities between the “old” and “new” EU member states.
The post-communist countries did not see the Holocaust narrative and its relation to the history of the EU as part of their own narrative. Since entering the EU, a number of Eastern European countries have challenged the EU’s master narrative and tried to gain acceptance for — and draw attention to — their memory of Soviet Communism.
Survivors actually created manifold historical sources on the Holocaust and even completed a broad array of relevant publications before the end of 1940s; these sources were largely neglected afterwards and have remained underexplored to this day.
Communism has failed, not only on political and economic, but especially on moral grounds, the author claims; "Every communist state was a far cry from the paradise the doctrine proposed.".
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The electoral campaign was marked by the emergence of several rather peculiar issues in a contemporary electoral context: appeals to religion and ethnic belonging, and to family status.