Valter Bolevics, Jan Sjölin and Tatjana Volkova
Valters Bolevis is PhD Oec. Can. in business administration, Riga International School of Economics and Business Administration. Project manager. MS with distinction cum laude in the field of transport and maritime management from Institute of Transport and Maritime Management (ITMMA), Belgium, 2007.
Jan Sjölin is associate professor at the Baltic International Academy (BIA in Riga) and emeritus at the Technical University of IASI (CETEX). Served within the inner circle of CEEMAN (the Central and Eastern European Management Development Association) dealing with transition and evaluation of academic institutions.
Tatjana Volkova is professor in strategic management and innovation management and former rector of BA School of Business and Finance, Latvia. Her special research interests are design-driven innovations and creative industries. She is among other things a former President of Rector’s Conference of Latvia (2004—2011) and a former member of the European University Association Council.
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Articles by Valter Bolevics, Jan Sjölin and Tatjana Volkova
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In recent years, “traditional values,” increasingly articulated in accordance with the Christian Orthodox canon, has moved to the center of Russian official discourse. The author argues that the ideology of “traditional values” corresponds mainly to the interests of the Russian state in union with the Orthodox Church and reflects Russian imperial and authoritarian traditions rather than popular customs and beliefs.
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The author argues that stigmatization of “gender” as ideology has become a central element of political discourse in Hungary since 2010 — resulting in the ban of the MA in Gender Studies in the Official Gazette on October 12, 2018. For a critical reading, the author situates the strategic attack in relation to three junctures of meaning-making of “feminism” and “gender” since the system change in 1989 that have eventually crystalized into the commonsense discourses of “gender ideology” and “gender-craze” of right-wing populism.
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The author argues in this essay, that one of the main achievements of the Black Protests is that they have not only offered powerful examples of active rejections of the exclusionary articulation of “the people” as articulated by the illiberal regime and conservative Christian movements, but also an alternative collective identity — another, feminist and transnational version of “the people” — that has proven effective in mobilizing broadly nationally and transnationally on democratic issues far beyond sexual and reproductive rights.
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In this issue (2020:1), there are several examples of scholars investigating contemporary feminist mass-struggles from this point of view, asking whether these are examples of or have the potential for forming a feminist populist movement that can effectively counteract neoliberal and authoritarian regimes.
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The contributions to this issue (2020: 1) of Baltic Worlds aptly show that in country after country the representatives of the right-wing parties join ultraconservative groups and religious authorities in attempts to limit women’s reproductive rights, undermine the legitimacy of gender studies as a field of scientific inquiry, and viciously attack sexual or ethnic minorities.
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Presidential elections were formally held in Poland on Sunday, May 10, 2020, but in practice no election took place and no ballots were cast. The distinction between what happens formally and what takes place in practice has become more and more important for Polish politics and public life.
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We can all agree that this pandemic is hard to manage and that the saving citizens’ life is the most important issue to deal with initially, but let us reflect on the consequences of the responses. The pandemic experience and the lockdown in Albania, among other perspectives, can be analysed by answering two main questions: 1. What is the socio-economic cost of the lockdown for almost 3 months? 2. What are the implications for the democratic system, is the freedom challenged?
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Baltic Worlds' Online Covid-19 Coverage examines how politicians in different parts of the region are reacting to the crisis, and to what consequences.
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Unsurprisingly, the ruling People’s Democratic Party, won Tajikistan’s parliamentary elections on March 1, 2020. The election campaign was a muted affair. No previous Tajik election has been judged free and fair by legitimate international observers. The Central Election Commission stated that the elections were open and transparent, and reported that it received no reports of violations. But independent observers reported a slew of violations, including ballot stuffing and proxy voting.
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On Sunday March 1, Slovakia woke up to a new political era. Slovaks showed to former ruling parties (SMER – SD, Slovak National Party and the Bridge) that there were fed up with their empty promises and all the corruption, scandals and nepotism. They decided to give a chance to Matovič and some of the other opposition parties.
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