A scholarly journal from the Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES) Södertörn University, Stockholm.
Issue 2025, 4: Download.
PhD candidate in political science at Lund University. Her PhD project examines corruption in post-Soviet states and includes extensive fieldwork and interviews with ordinary citizens. She is also a journalist and photographer, focusing on Eastern Europe.
arrating the Child and the Baltic Sea, the 2nd International Conference of The Graphic World of Children Date and location: May 19–21, 2025, Södertörn Univeristy, Stockholm, Sweden. Organizer: Lisa Källström (Södertörn University). Advisory board: Maheen Ahmed (Ghent University), Bettina Kümmerling-Meibauer (University of Tübingen), Birgitte Beck Pristed (Aarhus University)/ The Graphic World of Children).
The interdisciplinary research centre Places, Identities and Memories’ (PIMs) Annual Conference “Spaces of Victimhood in Eastern Europe” Date and location: June 18–19, 2025, the University College London (UCL). Organizer: Jessie Barton Hronešov. and Paweł Bukowski, School of Slavonic & East European Studies (SSEES) UCL. Memory Studies Association’s (MSA)Annual Conference “Beyond Crises:Resilience and (In)Stability” Date: July 14–18, 2025. Organizers: Charles University and the Czech Academy of Sciences, Prague.
The article explores how Sweden’s engagement with the forests of the Baltics and Russia in the early 1990s was shaped by a discourse that cast these regions as peripheral. This discourse, we argue, revived historical narratives tied to 19th-century of Swedish forestry expansion toward the north, similarly, positioning the eastern forests a century later as underutilized spaces that could benefit from Swedish forestry expertise and modernization. We connect to historical phenomena and conceptualizations of center-periphery dynamics as a framework for our analysis. To identify narratives revolving around the forests in the Baltics and Russia under the center-periphery discourse, we conducted a qualitative thematic analysis of media sources from the Swedish forestry organization Skogen [The Forest] and Swedish regional and national newspapers from 1991 to 1994. In this article, we outline two key narratives that surfaced from our empirical findings. One narrative focuses on the notion that forest resources in the Baltics and Russia were finite and increasingly contested due to growing demand and restricted availability. The second narrative presents optimized forest management and professional forestry knowledge as solutions to these constraints, framing the eastern forests as potentially limitless if managed with the right expertise. We conclude our analysis of the historical narratives with a brief outlook on the recent developments of Swedish forestry portrayals of forests in the Baltics and Russia.
President Trump wants to build 40 new icebreakers to conquer the ice around Greenland, according to the news, May 2025. Interestingly, Finland might play a part in the production of these ships.1 There is a deep historical dimension here and in this essay I return to a time before the icebreaker, that is, before the 1850s, and look into how we related to ice and snow then. It turns out that in the centuries preceding the late 19th century, people in Sweden had an overwhelmingly positive attitude towards ice and snow. In fact, these elements were crucial for the whole Swedish society. Today it is the opposite, as the icebreaker illustrates. I argue that between these two historical temporalities lies the climate shift, which has an ontological dimension to it.
The short-lived apex of journalistic freedom that took place after Perestroika in the late 1980s and early 1990s has been followed by setbacks and stagnation of press freedom, in particular since Putin’s accession to power in 2000. Despite this, qualitative text analysis of commentary articles in some of the most important current Russian news sites strongly indicates that during 2008–2018, readers of news sites were increasingly addressed as active and knowledgeable citizens. Four case studies are examined to cast light on the period, using the following methods: focusing on argumentation analysis, exploring whether arguments are valid, and the means of persuasionused. The findings imply that a number of Russian Internet outlets have strengthened their role as advocates of the Fourth Estate. The results further indicate a sharp distinction between news sites utilizing traditional Western journalistic devices, and those employing a traditional Russian/Soviet journalistic approach. Thus, the social roles of the audiences were to a certain extent reinforced during the period investigated, 2008–2018.
This article provides an overview of the historical parallels used in the Ukrainian media discourse reflecting the Russian-Ukrainian military conflict in the period from February 2022 to February 2025. The research highlights the role of analogy frames in depicting wartime dynamics, internal processes of national consolidation, and the search for international solutions to protect Ukraine’s sovereignty. Networks of analogies in media discourse, characteristic of Ukrainian political culture, are considered as a means of conceptualizing major components of the war scenario, in particular strategies of the military campaign, crimes against civilians and prisoners of war, and legal initiatives to hold the aggressor accountable. From a functional perspective, comparative resources in the wartime media are analyzed as a tool that supports basic cognitive and psychological needs of society members, such as confronting the challenges of a traumatic environment and searching for solutions under conditions of hostile activity.
This essay analyzes the transformation of the Belarusian political community following the 2020 protests through an examination of eight articles published within the Fifth Republic project. The analysis identifies four dominant narratives: repression as a catalyst for political action, the legitimacy crisis as a political opportunity, the role of diaspora and political exiles as new political actors, and "Caring Democracy" as an alternative political model. Each narrative demonstrates distinct mobilization potentials and limitations. The study reveals that while the Belarusian political community exists in a fragmented state—resembling a "shattered mirror"—it maintains remarkable resilience through adaptive practices of solidarity. The research suggests that integrating these diverse narratives could provide a framework for overcoming current political fragmentation while recognizing the value of multiple voices and experiences within the democratic movement.
Minsk, the capital of Belarus, has always astonished foreigners with its peculiar eerie atmosphere. Broad, empty, impeccably clean avenues adorned with WW2 obelisks and pompous statues of Soviet heroes attracted untrained gazes reminding the guests of the city of the utopian settings by Orwell and Huxley. But to me, a born Minsker, they reminded more of a hospital — with the ghosts of the collective memory sanitizers leaders safeguarding imaginary peace and order
The events in Ukraine prompted the countries of East-Central Europe to review their approach to the monuments and collective memory signs that have remained from the Soviet era. Although the region regards the dismantling of Soviet monuments in relation to de-Sovietization that started around 1990, the removal of the remaining Soviet artefacts from public spaces was also related to the international situation in 2013–2014 and 2022, almost thirty years after the collapse of the Soviet Union. As the dominant research of de-Sovietization focus on the elimination of Soviet monuments, i.e. by nature, a negative aspect of de-Sovietization based on the removal and dismantling of monuments, the article presents the concept of positive de-Sovietization based on the case analysis of Lithuanian monuments. The de-Sovietization process is considered dual: the removal of Soviet monuments is accompanied by the construction of the new ones establishing a new historical narrative and state’s identity. It can be defined as a positive aspect of de-Sovietization that makes its implementation complete.
The article is devoted to how Uzbekistan’s constructivist foreign policy contributed to fundamental changes in the Central Asian region. The main purpose of the article is to examine the transition from realpolitik to a constructivist approach in Uzbekistan, as well as in Central Asia in general. The author seeks to outline potential scenarios for future developments in the changing political landscape in the region. In the work, he reveals the significance of the school of constructivism, comparing it with other theories of international relations. According to him, this theory is the most suitable for explaining the current political status quo in the region. The key concepts in the article are identity, perception, ideology, culture and national interest.