contributors

Michaela Pixová and Arnošt Novák

Michaela Pixová is urban geographer and a postdoctoral researcher at the Institute of sociological studies, faculty of social sciences, Charles University, Prague, with a focus on the role of urban activism and citizen participation in urban planning. She is the vice-president of the activist organization Prague Watch.

Arnošt Novák teaches environmental sociology at Faculty of Humanities at Charles University in Prague. He has been involved in autonomous activism since the 1990’s and he is member of autonomous social center Klinika.

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Articles by Michaela Pixová and Arnošt Novák

  1. Contested Feminism

    Gefjon Off, Contested Feminism: Backlash and the Radical Right (Department of Political Science, University of Gothenburg, September 15, 2023): Public defense of doctoral dissertation. External opponent: Professor Elisabeth Ivarsflaten, Department of Government, University of Bergen.

  2. After Space Utopia Public defense of doctoral dissertation: Roman Privalov

    Public defense of doctoral dissertation: Roman Privalov, After Space Utopia: Post-Soviet Russia and Futures in Space (Södertörn University, School of Social Sciences, May 12, 2023), 210 pages. External opponent: Associate Professor Arita Holmberg, Swedish Defence University, Stockholm.

  3. The Political Representation and Participation of Migrants and Ethnic Minorities

    For two days in early June, a team of researchers met up at Södertörn University (CBEES) to discuss different aspects of political participation and political representation of ethnic minorities and migrants in Central and Eastern Europe.

  4. Let the right one in. Building relations of trust

    Building mutual trust was for years one of the desired aims of international cooperation in the Nordic region; the existence of trust was intended to contribute to the reduction of political tensions and lead to more sustainable and peaceful region. In practice, working with international cooperation in the Nordic region, where Russia was one of the actors until 2022, has never been easy. One of the main obstacles on the way was the deficit of trust.

  5. Making tomorrow’s leaders The transnationalism of radical right youth organizations in the Baltic Sea area, 2015–2019

    Radical right parties (RRPs) have been extensively studied throughout the past two decades. One neglected aspect is the youth organizations (YOs) of RRPs and their transnational networks. This article analyzes the transnational links between the YOs of RRPs in Estonia and Latvia. The article contributes to the literature by arguing for four findings relating to the transnational links between the YOs of RRPs, which provide a window into the future of the parties being analyzed.

  6. International activities of the Belarusian Republican Youth Union: East versus West

    The Belarusian Republican Youth Union (BRYU) is an administered mass organization for youth in contemporary Belarus and has been supported by the Lukashenka government for decades. It is therefore well positioned to engage in international activities. What’s more, it claims to develop “multi-vector international youth collaboration” by participating in international programs and projects. This article aims to map and explain the international activities of the BRYU from the early 1990s until the present day. It asks how the association’s international activities look in practice and what explains these patterns. It finds there is a qualitative difference between the BRYU’s international activities with actors in Russia, the European Union and China. The article suggests that in comparison to the BRYU’s domestic activities, which have been the primary focus of previous research, the youth league’s participation in international affairs is limited. It argues that this state of affairs can be explained by its structural subservience to President Lukashenka, for whom the BRYU’s international activities are of secondary importance.

  7. Chinese youth: Domestic issues and transnational developments

    The increasing investment in and emphasis on ideological and political education at Chinese universities, and statements, including by Xi Jinping himself, and other policies related to youth and higher education, reveals a growing concern about youth. This article provides a brief overview of developments and policies affecting Chinese youth, including the emergence of new values among them.

  8. The role of Russian soft power in promoting authoritarianism. Targeting youth in post-Soviet Central Asia

    The paper aims to explore the practical application of “soft power” in “hybrid” countries. The analysis is based on the example of soft power-strategies developed and implemented by the Russian Federation in post-Soviet Central Asia throughout the last two decades. The overarching research questions of the paper are the following — what are the most interesting features of Russian soft power in the changing geopolitical conditions of the post-Soviet space? How does it address local youth to secure Russian domination in the region and ensure the sustainability of local political regimes? What is the future of Russian soft power and geopolitical influence in the region?

  9. Governing extremism through communities in Tajikistan

    Since the country’s civil war, which began with rival protests in the center of the capital city Dushanbe turning violent in May 1992, protests have been relatively rare in Tajikistan as the government of Emomali Rahmon has consolidated its control. Yet protests erupted across Tajikistan in late September 2016.

  10. What do Azerbaijani youth prefer: Silicon Valley, Pushkin, or Confucius?

    The aim of this essay is to explore the cultural, educational or so-called soft power influence of Russia and China in Azerbaijan. The essay analyzes the state and perspectives on the influence of Chinese and Russian soft power in the South Caucasus, focusing on Azerbaijan. It discusses the current situation and tries to put the soft power influence of Russia and China into perspective. It zooms in on the Azerbaijani case, because, contrary to other South Caucasus governments, the Azerbaijani leadership is trying to find a balance between the involvement of both the regional powers and the great powers by maintaining a virtually equal political distance from the West and from Russia and China.

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